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3:1–7 The main plot of the book of Esther begins to unfold in Esther 3:1–15. The narrative prior to this point has been setting up events before vv. 1–6 and the developments that follow.

In contrast with Mordecai’s unrewarded service to the king (2:19–23), Haman is honored, even though the narrative hints at that he should be dishonored (vv. 1, 4). By the time the narrative reaches v. 7, more than four years have passed since Esther became queen (2:16). The events of 2:19–23 and 3:1–6 occur at some point during this time period.

3:1 Agagite A derogatory title that the Hebrew text uses to affiliate Haman with Agag, the Amalekite king. Agag was an enemy of Israel because of the Amalekites’ attack on the Israelites when they were journeying to the promised land (Exod 17:8–14; 1 Sam 15:2–3). The narrative is already revealing what type of person Haman will turn out to be—like the evil Amalekites. If the derogatory title is also meant to reveal Haman’s lineage, then it also enhances the racial tension of the story—this is a battle between Yahweh’s people and their longtime enemy.

The Amalekites were supposed to be destroyed by King Saul, and although the narrative indicates that Saul did so except for King Agag—whom Samuel later killed—other narratives depict surviving Amalekites (1 Sam 30; 2 Sam 1:8). Thus, Saul must have destroyed just a group of Amalekites. This leaves open the possibility that a son of Agag did survive and that Haman is depicted as that son’s descendant. The Agagite expression could also be a modernizing of the term for Amalekites, utilizing the name of their most famous king—and, thus, just a label applied to Haman to depict his ethnic origin or the type of person he is.

The tension of the narrative is further enhanced by Mordecai being a Benjaminite and, it seems, a descendant of Kish, Saul’s father (Esth 2:5). This sets up the book of Esther as the resolution to an ancient feud that Yahweh had vowed to resolve (Exod 17:14). This also restores honor to the lineage of Kish—the failed Saul is not even mentioned as Mordecai’s relative; instead, literarily, Mordecai functions as his replacement. Unlike Saul, Mordecai will do what is right and what must be done on behalf of Yahweh’s people.

Amalek ISBE

above all the officials Haman has supreme authority among the officials, presumably second only to the king—the narrative shows that his role is a hybrid between a chief-of-staff and a general. The Hebrew text does not reveal precisely why Haman was elevated to this role—it may have been because of an act of service or multiple acts of service over several years (compare Esth 5:11, 6).

The three-part repetition of the Hebrew text could indicate that there were three different stages of Haman’s promotion—ultimately leading to his position above all other officials. But the repetition could also be for emphasis. If a three-part promotion is in view, then it is likely that vv. 1–6 should be read as occurring over a more than four-year period, before the events of v. 7; Haman works his way up the hierarchy of the royal government.

3:2–6 In these verses, Mordecai intentionally defies Haman, even though the king has commanded that people pay respect to Haman (v. 3). The Hebrew text does not explicitly state why Mordecai makes this decision.

Mordecai’s refusal to bow before Haman may have stemmed from religious conviction—perhaps extending the interpretation of “gods” in Exod 20:5 to people—but this seems unlikely. The only thing in favor of this is interpretation is Mordecai’s identification of himself as a Jew, but this also fits with other interpretations. The ot contains many examples of Jewish people bowing to authority figures (e.g., Gen 33:3, 6–7; 42:6; Exod 18:7; Ruth 2:10; 1 Sam 20:41; 24:8; 25:23; 2 Sam 14:4). This suggests Mordecai’s defiance could be due to antagonism between the Jews and the Amalekites (compare note on Esther 3:1) or to tension between Haman and Mordecai (perhaps stemming from Haman’s promotion when Mordecai was not even recognized for his service). It could also be that Mordecai is already aware of Haman’s hatred of the Jews. Mordecai’s reluctance to bow before Haman may have been a choice that Jewish people had made in general because they knew what type of man Haman was (compare v. 6).

3:4 they informed Haman It seems that Haman learns of Mordecai’s disobedience—which is ascribed to Mordecai’s Jewishness—secondhand; Haman then seems to witness it himself in v. 5.

This type of ridiculous gossip is common in Esther and is used by the narrator as both a foreshadowing technique and to indicate misdirection on behalf of the characters. This type of insider conversation occurs in positive, espionage scenarios (e.g., 2:19–23; 4:6–17) and in negative incidents where bad advice is about to be offered (e.g., 1:13–22; 2:1–4; 5:10–14).

3:5 was not kneeling and bowing down Two different terms for kneeling or bowing down—neither term implies any sort of payment or religious practice.

3:6 he considered it beneath him The Hebrew text here is vague about why Haman chooses to not punish Mordecai alone. Verse 5 suggests being Jewish is Mordecai’s excuse for not bowing, but that still does not justify the absurdity of Haman’s logic—to punish all Jewish people for one person’s decision.

Earlier, similar vocabulary and faulty logic were used to support the king deposing of Vashti and his subsequent proclamation that all men in the empire must be the master of their household (1:13–22; compare note on 1:17). It fits the overall narrative of Esther that Haman makes a leap in logic from Mordecai not bowing down to him to there being a problem with all Jewish people. Both decisions are based on a logical fallacy commonly called a “rolling ball argument,” and both decisions represent a perverse view of justice that leads to bigotry (compare note on 2:2). Haman’s hatred of Mordecai may have growing over a period of several years (compare note on v. 1), building into an all-consuming feeling of hatred toward Jewish people in general.

the kingdom of Ahasuerus Refers to the entire Persian Empire.

3:7 the month of Nisan, in the twelfth year of King Ahasurus March or April 474 bc. More than four years have elapsed since Esther became queen. At this point, Esther is not truly reigning as queen—in terms of authority, she is still in an uncertain and rather weak position (see 4:11).

Israelite Calendar Table

pur—that is, the lot The Hebrew text uses the Akkadian term for casting lots, pur, to explain the name of the Jewish festival Purim, which will be referenced in ch. 9. The events in this verse are not occurring over a year-long period, but instead involve an elaborate game of chance occurring over multiple days to determine a specific date in the year. It appears that someone else is casting lots on Haman’s behalf, although the Hebrew text does not yet reveal what date Haman is determining, although v. 6 hints at his intentions.

The Persian version of casting lots involved a stone die, which would be used for decisions that required an element of chance, although that chance was usually chalked up to the will of the gods (compare Jonah 1:7; also compare the historical works of Herodotus, Histories 3.128; Xenophon, Cyropaedia 1.6.46; 4.5.55).

Lots HIBD

the twelfth month, that is, the month of Adar The month that the casting of lots dictated, which is equivalent to February or March. In Esther 3:13, it is revealed that Haman was using the casting of lots to determine the date for the destruction of the Jewish people. The date of the genocide is set for about eleven months from this moment in the narrative.

3:8–15 Now that Haman has conspired, he visits the king so that he may put his evil plan into action.

3:8 a certain people An intentionally vague reference to the Jews.

scattered and separated among the peoples A result of the deportations of the Jewish people by the Assyrians and Babylonians (2 Kgs 15; 16; 24:10–17).

do not observe the laws of the king Haman seems to be drawing a false conclusion from his experience with Mordecai (see note on Esther 3:6).

If the laws of Persia required the Jewish people to forfeit obedience to the regulations of Yahweh’s laws, then they could have been disobeying the king’s laws (compare Dan 1; 3). Nonetheless, the narrative has already shown that some compromises to the law were being made by particular individuals (see note on Esther 2:10; note on 2:15).

3:9 to destroy them Haman calls for the annihilation of the Jews throughout the Persian kingdom. This type of action was not without precedence in the Persian Empire.

The events of 522 bc provide an additional example of an attempted genocide by the Persians. According to the Greek historian Herodotus, the Persians massacred the Magian class following a false claim to the throne. Two brothers named Smerdis and Patizeithes, who belonged to the Magian class, usurped the throne after the death of king Cambyses and attempted to pass Smerdis off as the murdered brother of Cambyses. The ruse was discovered eight months later, and they were assassinated by the Persians, led by Darius I. Immediately after, the Persians went through the streets of the capital killing every Magian they encountered. This day was afterwards celebrated by the Persians as a holy day, called Massacre of the Magians (Herodotus, Histories, 3.67–80).

Excursus: Cambyses/Darius WBC Vol. 25 (Revised)

ten thousand talents of silver This is a ridiculous sum, equating to at least two-thirds of the annual income into the royal treasury from all tributes in the empire (compare the historian Herodotus’ remarks in Histories, 3.95). Haman may intend to pay this out of his own abundance of wealth or, more likely, from the bounty he will gain when he destroys the Jewish people (compare 4:7).

3:10 signet ring The face of these rings included an engraving that would be utilized to stamp an image on a document, particularly when sealing it. This functioned as the king’s personal identification symbol. During the Persian period, signet rings were commonly imprinted on wet clay or wax that was allowed to dry, thereby sealing documents such as scrolls. The imprint of the king’s signet ring essentially served as his signature.

Seals often contained both pictures and written materials, making them difficult to forge. When a letter was sealed with the imprint of the king’s signet ring, the recipient of that letter knew that the contents came with the authority of the king.

Signet HIBD

Seal EDB

3:11 The money is given to you The Hebrew text here could be interpreted as the king telling Haman that the money is unnecessary—this would be a way of bargaining with Haman (acting like the money is Haman’s to do with as he wishes). This could also be a subtle way of the king acknowledging that he will receive the money later on (as a type of bribery).

as you see fit The king seems more concerned with his reputation and the obedience of his subjects than with the execution of the plans. The king’s immense trust in Haman at this moment—providing him with the ability to write and approve the specifics of a directive on his behalf—is yet another absurd move by the king in the narrative.

The king undulates between an abuse of power and a lack of will to actually rule (e.g., 2:1–4). The king easily gives someone else the power to determine how to execute far-reaching decisions without any further directives (e.g., 8:2–9). He also aligns himself with Haman’s hate crimes in the process.

This fits with what is generally known about Xerxes from history—that he was a man with extreme power who failed to utilize it correctly. Out of selfish ambition and warmongering, he invaded Greece. He then failed to win the war he started, even though his military was much larger than that of the Greeks (compare note on 2:8).

3:12 the king’s secretaries Those who were charged with writing on the king’s behalf. These are not necessarily professional law-makers; they could be copyists.

in the first month on the thirteenth day On the day before the Jewish Passover in 474 bc, the decree is sent to each major government leader in the Persian empire that the Jewish people were to be annihilated on a single day (compare Exod 12:6).

Within four weeks, Haman managed to secure an appointment with the king, draw up a decree in the king’s name and with his seal, and then quickly disperse the decree throughout the empire (Esther 3:13; compare note on 1:22).

3:13–15 The method used for deploying the decree in vv. 13–15 is nearly identical to that used in 1:19–22—a parallel likely intended to highlight the king’s ridiculousness.

The king treats the honor of men of the empire as a more important matter than the lives of the Jewish people. He is personally involved in the decree of 1:19–22, even though it, too, was dictated by others; yet he allows for Haman to make the final decisions regarding a genocide. The folly of the king’s reign is further emphasized by the closing words of the passage, where he chooses to drink while the people of the capital city are thrown into confusion over a forthcoming genocide (v. 15; compare note on 2:10).

3:13 the month The genocide was set to happen in February or March 473 bc (9:1). The decree is sent out about eleven months before its planned fulfillment, but it would have taken approximately three to four months for it to reach the entire empire. However, Mordecai and Esther would have had nearly the full eleven months to prepare, presuming that Mordecai learned about it early on, since they were already in the primary capital of the empire (v. 15).

plunder their goods It seems that Haman is incentivizing the genocide with monetary gain; he may also specifically mention this in his decree so that he can fulfill his bargain with the king (v. 9; compare note on v. 11).

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